For the heads of state and government of the 55 member states, the chair is in charge of coordinating the political agenda and executive parts of the decision-making process.

For the heads of state and government of the 55 member states, the chair is in charge of coordinating the political agenda and executive parts of the decision-making process.

The chair of the AUC is responsible for collaborating with regional economic communities and partners, promoting the AU’s aims, carrying out its decisions, and acting as the liaison between African common goals and external partners and international organizations.

The victor will be in office for four years, with the possibility of a second term, and must receive two-thirds of the nation’s votes.

Due to their experience, global exposure, political clout, and national support, all three contenders are qualified for the position. Additionally, they have shown a strong desire to lead the political body, as seen by a live, broadcast debate in December 2024 that introduced the candidates to the public.

The heads of state and government who will vote for the chair will not base their choices on the debate, and no official ranking was conducted after the event.

Since the African Union was founded in 2002, there have been five chairpersons.

From 2002 to 2003, Amara Essy, a former Ivoirian diplomat and the Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), served as the AUC’s acting chairperson. Alpha Konare, the former president of Mali from 2003 to 2008, replaced him, and Jean Ping, the former foreign minister of Gabon from 2008 to 2012, succeeded him. Ping turned over the chair to former South African Foreign Minister Nkozasana Dlamini-Zuma (2012–2017), who was succeeded by former Chadian Prime Minister Mahamat Faki.

OAU’s transfer to the AU was overseen by Essy. He lacked the political clout, nevertheless, to guarantee himself the chair.

Shortly before the election, Essy was removed as Cote d’Ivoire’s candidate, and former President Konare won 35 of the 45 votes to take over in 2003.

Konare, nevertheless, was only in office for one term. His leadership and managerial style caused issues for numerous heads of state. Konare’s tenure expired in 2008 due to the political weight and seniority of a former head of state, which helped him secure the position. 

In 2008, Ping won the election with 31 votes, bringing with him a wide network of political connections acquired while serving as president of the United Nations General Assembly and holding ministerial positions in his nation.

South Africa invested significant funds to support its candidate, Dlamini-Zuma, when it chose to run against Ping in 2012 following his first term. The entire southern African area was mobilized to support the nomination by South Africa.

The fact that South Africa chose to ignore the unwritten rule that the five countries that provide the most to the AU budget—Algora, Egypt, Libya, Nigeria, and South Africa—should not run for the highest position on the commission alarmed many other nations.

The goal was to prevent the larger economies from allegedly controlling the continent and to make way for “smaller” member states.

In January 2012, the voting process came to a standstill. After numerous voting rounds, Ping was ahead of Dlamini-Zuma, but neither candidate received the necessary two-thirds majority of votes to win. As a result, the election was rescheduled for July.

Following four rounds of voting in a heated atmosphere in July, Dlamini-Zuma won 37 votes to become the next chair of the AUC.

The absence of Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan, who was coping with a heightened domestic insurgency, and Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who was undergoing treatment overseas, was perceived as contributing to Ping’s defeat. They were both ardent Ping followers.

Dlamini-Zuma decided to only hold office for one term. The 16-round election for a new chair took place in July 2016; however, none of the numerous contenders received the necessary two-thirds of the vote.

Former Chadian Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Moussa Faki Mahamat, who did not run in July, entered the race in a new election round held in January 2017. In the end, his candidacy defeated Amina Mohamed, Kenya’s foreign minister at the time, by 38 votes in the seventh round. According to different accounts, 15 southern African nations chose not to cast ballots in protest.

Some commentators came to the conclusion that Mr. Faki’s victory in 2017 was ultimately due to the fact that Idriss Deby, the president of his nation, was the African Union’s outgoing chairperson. In his capacity as foreign minister, Faki oversaw the AU’s Executive Council.

Faki was re-elected in 2021 with no difficulty because he faced no opposition. With three abstentions and one member not being able to vote, Faki received 51 votes out of 55. He is the first person to hold the job for two terms.

Countries vote on a variety of issues in the AUC chair election. Among the most notable are: the candidate’s nation’s consistent, unwavering political and material support; the backing of the continent’s major economies, which might strengthen the regional bloc; and successful diplomatic discussions, particularly during the voting rounds.

Voting may be influenced by a country’s position on African and international issues, such as pro-Western Sahara against pro-Morocco, the Israel-Gaza conflict, and the divergent support for Russia versus the USA on Ukraine.

Among the three candidates currently, Odinga (79) has been in the political limelight for a long time. He has contested and lost five elections for president. He served in various governments in his country, and has played important roles in African politics and in the AU.

His chances may be hampered by his apparent strengths. Some nations may be alarmed by his track record of losing all national presidential elections and his tumultuous opposition to governing regimes. According to records, Kenya lost a close election in 2017 for the same post, mostly as a result of a lack of support from several nations in its own Eastern area and a lack of enthusiasm from many countries in southern Africa.

Youssouf (59) of Djibouti has developed a network of political allies and support through his years of continuous service as foreign minister, which began in 2005. Additionally, he serves as a substitute for nations that might perceive that Kenya controls the region.

There are disagreements with a number of nations about Djibouti’s hosting of military bases for some foreign powers. Furthermore, some nations may harbor resentment between Djibouti and Eritrea due to a prior conflict that resulted in war, which may affect their support.

The third candidate, Randriamandrato (55), of Madagascar, was the country’s minister of finance and economy from 2018 to 2021. From March to October 2022, he briefly held the position of foreign minister. He might become a “dark horse” who steals votes from Kenya and Djibouti and is prepared to either become the compromise candidate or take advantage of the situation to pursue other political goals.

Southern, Central, Eastern, Western, and Northern Africa are the five areas that make up the African Union. Since its founding in 2002, only the Northern and Eastern regions have failed to produce chairs for the Commission. The Eastern area, which is predicted to produce the next chair, is home to all three of the candidates.

In the past, only one person from the English-speaking group has held this position; the other four came from French-speaking African nations. The position has not been held by Portuguese-speaking or Lusophone nations. Kenya is Anglophone, while Madagascar and Djibouti are Francophone.

It is not expected that gender will have a role. All of the candidates are men, although it is not impossible for a woman to run unexpectedly if there is a tie in the voting process.

The AUC chair’s personality, which represents Africa at numerous international fora, will contribute to the AU’s relevance.

Regardless of the election outcome, the continental organization will face both internal and foreign problems. These include bolstering the organization’s shaky finance base, energizing the undermotivated employees, and simplifying duties among the AUC’s elected senior executives.

More importantly, the foundation of a successful continental organization like the AU is made up of strong and competent African nations.

Makinwa is AUNIQUEI Communication for Leadership’s chief executive officer.